50th Andechs Europe Day
The 50th Europe Day of the Pan-European Union Germany was held under the title ‘State, Politics and the Rebirth of the Religious’.
The Christian Europe Day took place on 13/14 October 2018 in the Upper Bavarian monastery of Andechs with almost 200 participants from 17 nations.
The conference was characterised by presentations on the history of Christianity in Europe and the various major world religions.
To mark the 100th anniversary of the end of the First World War, the conference debates centred on one of the most controversial topics of our time. It was about the tense relationship between religion and politics, faith and ideology, church and state.
‘Tyranny doesn't need faith, democracy does’
CSU European politician Bernd Posselt has spoken out in favour of a stronger role for churches and religious communities in state and society. Above all, love of neighbour and freedom as the two core elements of Christianity are indispensable for a democratic Europe, Posselt said at the 50th Andechs Europe Day of the Pan-European Union Germany, of which he is President. The great liberal Alexis de Tocqueville had already made it clear in the 19th century with the sentence ‘Tyranny needs no faith, democracy does’ that a liberal order does not work without a foundation of values. ‘In a vacuum, totalitarian ideologies, the idol of nationalism or even a supposedly philanthropic ‘civil religion’, which dictates to people what they should eat, drink or how much they should sleep, and which ultimately leads to a forbidden society, spread.’ In this context, Posselt spoke out against any undermining of Christian religious education, but at the same time pleaded for more Islamic education and a better knowledge of all important faiths: ‘As creative minorities, we Christians must contribute to an increasingly heterogeneous world and must not allow ourselves to be forced into the ghetto or even voluntarily enter it.’ Echoing Pope Francis, he proclaimed: ‘What we need is dialogue, dialogue and more dialogue, even if we sometimes get sick of it.’
The Croatian Indologist Prof Mislav Ježić gave an introduction to the ideas of Hinduism and Buddhism. He posed the question of the role of religions in today's world. There is often the erroneous view that ‘religiosity is disappearing - but this can only be seen in Europe, and even there it is not the end of development.’ Only 16 per cent of the world's population declare themselves to be non-believers, so there are 84 per cent believers: ‘How can you want to be a humanist and disregard such a large percentage of humanity?’ Christians make up one third and are therefore the largest group, ‘but we must be aware of and respect the fact that two thirds believe differently. 21 per cent are Muslim, 14 per cent Hindu and around 6 per cent Buddhist - with Judaism also playing a culturally significant role with only a few members.’ Two regions of the world have produced the most important religions - the founder of Paneuropa, Richard Count Coudenhove-Kalergi, would say the ideal of the sacred - the Middle East and the Indian subcontinent. These, in turn, are culturally linked. The Arabic numerals that we have adopted are actually Indian. Ježić described the power of Asian faiths in the 21st century. With millions of pilgrims, the Hindus are the largest pilgrims. Mahatma Gandhi's non-violent resistance against oppression was a role model for the Croatian freedom fighter Stjepan Radić and the American civil rights activist Martin Luther King. ‘Radić was assassinated in 1928, Gandhi in 1948 and King in 1968, but all three made the world a better place.’ Each of the great religions has this potential for peace, ‘if it does not close itself off and is not misused.’ Interreligious dialogue enables ‘people to enrich themselves spiritually by listening to the thoughts of others, so that we can become better Christians as a result.’
The moderate Sunni Imam Prof. Ahmad Hemaya, who first worked at the Sultan Hasan Mosque in Cairo and is now in the USA, spoke via video message because he had to cancel his journey at the last minute due to visa problems. He described the historical role of the Prophet Mohammed and his successors, the caliphs, as heads of state who were personally religious but at the same time ruled an empire with a wide variety of religions and cultures. This is why the Islamic world developed civil laws very early on that kept the different religious communities together, for example by granting Muslims, Christians and Jews their own jurisdiction. The Imam professed his belief in religious freedom by reciting quotes from the Koran: ‘There is no compulsion in religion’ and ‘So let those who wish believe and those who wish disbelieve’. Arab rulers of the Middle Ages in Syria and Spain had strictly adhered to this. An Israeli writer recently noted that in the heyday of the Moors in Spain, there were no attempts to impose the Muslim faith on Christians or Jews. The Arab Spring of 2010 sought democracy, freedom and a better life without corruption. The disappointment over its failure and the fact that the modern world did not care ‘that the Syrian people were bleeding’ had driven a minority of Arabs to ISIS: ‘A hopeless man takes the hand of the devil himself.’ The reasoning of these extremists is relatively simple: ‘The world hates you, and the whole thing is happening because you have not held on to your identity as Muslims.’ The Imam described it as the duty of churches and religious leaders to work together against misunderstandings and prejudices.
Former diplomat Wolfgang Freiherr von Erffa, who has represented Germany in major Islamic countries such as Indonesia and Egypt, answered questions from the audience. He sharply criticised the former SPD Senator of the Interior of Berlin, Thilo Sarrazin, for his book ‘Hostile Takeover’. It was full of errors, extremely emotional and characterised by the rejection of all religion. Sarrazin wrote: ‘Scientifically speaking, every religion is nothing but a superstition that is shared by many people.’ Erffa countered AfD slogans against Muslim refugees in Bavaria with a central statement from the biblical book of Leviticus, according to which one should treat strangers as natives and love them as oneself, ‘for you yourselves were strangers in Egypt.’
The Serbian Orthodox theologian Prof. Davor Džalto, who teaches religious studies and art history in Rome, shed light on the question of how far Christianity is ‘compatible with political structures and to what degree’ against the backdrop of the refugee crisis and the reactions of many Europeans to it. This is something that can be learnt in particular from history and the current situation of Orthodox Christians. In their search for identity, the various national churches have primarily sought to set themselves apart from others and erect barriers: ‘If I don't see the other as my paradise, but as a threat to my individualism, it becomes hell.’ Freedom, creativity and love are not abstract principles for Christians, ‘but it is about recognising every single person as an image of God.’ This is something ‘that gives substance to the future world’. Authentic Christianity has never had stability on earth as its goal, but ‘includes uncertainty, which one must maintain in order to remain oneself and to affirm unconditional love.’ The political sphere is that of necessity, which is why Christianity and Christian theology ‘can never be in complete harmony with this world and its logic.’ It is therefore important to be sceptical of power structures, including those of an ecclesiastical nature. Džalto asked: ‘What kind of Europe do we want to live in?’ to give the answer: In a Europe that cares about the life and freedom of all citizens and fights for the same values in all parts of the world. Above all, this includes solidarity and care from the rich for the weak: ‘We must not allow entire regions to slide into poverty.’
The church historian Prof. Lutz von Padberg from Paderborn outlined the long process of the Christianisation of Europe from the early martyrs to the Constantinian revolution in the 4th century to the Frankish Merovingian king Clovis and Emperor Charlemagne, whom his contemporaries already referred to as the ‘Father of Europe’. From the baptism of Clovis in 498 to that of the Lithuanian Grand Duke Jagiello in 1386, it took around 900 years ‘until the same creed was spoken throughout Europe.’ As was customary at the time, the religion was simply imposed on the subjects by their rulers, with the exception of Iceland, where a ‘general assembly without the influence of the ruler’ decided in favour of the new faith in 999. The establishment of church structures throughout Europe was a tremendous effort, ‘from supplying localities with priests and equipping them with liturgical equipment to building churches and founding monasteries as centres for clerical training. All of this was created out of nothing.’ It was only in the wake of the religious schism and the Peace of Westphalia that there were ‘drastic secularisation effects in Europe’. Von Padberg concluded with a personal remark: ‘In my opinion, there can be no doubt at all that Europe owes its appearance to Christianity.’ However, knowledge of this is currently dwindling. ‘I think this is a disastrous development ... Europe needs a stable foundation. It needs Christianity and the churches, not as an amplifier of the zeitgeist, but as a mediator of Christian values. Only if we return to the success story of Christian Europe can we convincingly defend its values!’
Father Valentin Ziegler, representing the monastery, thanked the participants for their faithful pan-European commitment. Only a strong Europe could counter nationalism, demarcation and populist theories, ‘which ultimately bring violence and oppression’. The post-war generation had accepted this mission, which was only possible through reconciliation and reconciliation, ‘a common serious struggle with each other that brings us closer together, despite all the differences between the European regions.’ St Benedict as the patron saint of Europe and St Hedwig and St Elisabeth from the Andechs family, which is based in Andechs and has a Europe-wide network, are suitable for illuminating the pan-European idea and the social dimension, without which there can be no peace and no freedom.
With a festive evening in the monastery inn, the Pan-Europeans celebrated the fact that the Paneuropa Union has now held 50 Christian Europe Days in Andechs in partnership with the Benedictine monastery. Paneuropa President Bernd Posselt awarded the outgoing landlord Alexander Urban the Paneuropa Medal of Merit.
The Sunday mass in honour of Saint Hedwig was held on Bavaria's Holy Mountain by the Abbot of St. Boniface and Andechs, Dr. Johannes Eckert OSB. This was followed by a discussion forum on the topic ‘Making a state without faith?’, moderated by Pan-Europa Vice-President Dirk Hermann Voß. Based on Jesus' statement in the Gospel “Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's and unto God the things that are God's”, Mr Voß highlighted the potential for collision that arises when the state with its monopoly on the use of force and religion as a forum of inner conviction come into conflict. Religion can have an overturning and freedom-creating effect, as in the case of the now canonised Bishop Romero - or a system-stabilising effect, as in Putin's Russia. It could call for human rights and the protection of life, as the Pope has recently done in sharp terms, immediately triggering criticism.
Sabine Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger, former Federal Minister of Justice, directed the internal view to the Basic Law. In view of the way in which a majority had dealt with people of a certain faith in particular, this had been very deliberately designed in 1949 not in a secular way as in France, but ‘in a kind of limping separation’ of state and church, which remained in certain relationships and dependencies. ‘We have done quite well with that’. Article 4 formulates the freedom to live one's faith or ideological beliefs freely. The Basic Law should be the ‘cement’ that enables people to live together despite their different beliefs and values. The state should not take one religion as its basis, but neither should it exert any influence on the content of a religious community. However, after the attacks of 2011, the possibility was created to ban religious groups that incited attacks. However, the FDP politician opposed the instrumentalisation of a religion in order to deny fellow citizens of the Muslim faith the capacity for democracy, for example. Tensions, such as in the case of crucifixes, headscarves or circumcision, should be resolved together rather than in conflict in order to do justice to the sensitivities of all sides.
Marian Offman, board member of the Jewish Community, described the deep bond between Judaism and the state of Israel, the restoration of which, along with the Temple and peace throughout the world, is a prerequisite for the coming of the Messiah. On the highest holiday Yom Kippur, after 24 hours of fasting, it is said: ‘Next year in Jerusalem!’ At the same time, after the Torah is read out at every Sabbath service, a blessing is prayed for the heads of the state in which they find themselves. He works as a city councillor in Munich, where there are 500,000 Catholics, 180,000 Protestants, 120,000 Muslims and 10,000 Jews, as well as around 800,000 non-denominational people. When the Islamic prayer rooms in the city were no longer sufficient in view of the refugees, he helped young Muslim people ‘to find a prayer room for three hours on Fridays’, which was successful after great difficulties with the help of a church and a Christian-orientated association. At the same time, there is also the new Ditib mosque in Cologne, for example, which follows the Turkish reason of state. From his own experience, he accused the AfD of anti-Semitism and ‘terrible agitation against one religion, namely Islam’. With regard to the AfD's catchment areas, he found that ‘where religion still exists, the likelihood of 1933-45 being repeated is lower’.
The national curator of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Hungary, Gergely Prőhle, former Hungarian Secretary of State, said that Christian Democracy and parties with the C in their names were not directly related to theological content. It is better to regard the C as the basis of a social order and a view of it that unites all those who live in this cultural area. The European value system consists of the Judeo-Christian tradition and the values of the Enlightenment - ‘of both!’ Other religious groups could therefore only be integrated with caution. In Germany and Austria, as Max Frisch said, ‘labour was invited, but people came’. But other countries and parts of the country, such as eastern Germany, had not had this experience, so that ‘their Jewish-Christian tradition had remained untouched’, as Prőhle rather boldly claimed in view of four decades of communist statehood in these countries. He praised the mosque bans in Hungary and Switzerland and considered them to be examples of not abandoning fundamental values and therefore not violating human rights, but nevertheless found respect for the Islam Act of the Austro-Hungarian Empire from 1913, which made it possible for Muslims in Austria-Hungary to practise their faith and receive spiritual guidance.
When asked about the Christian positions of his party, the CSU, Joachim Unterländer, Chairman of the Social Affairs Committee in the Bavarian State Parliament, referred very clearly to the party's basic programme. This represents a basic orientation, but as a Christian, one can come to different conclusions in the search for the right economic, social or societal policy, as various papal declarations have firmly confirmed. Christian politics can therefore be found in all constitutional parties. Internal coordination processes are also necessary within a popular party. In the case of a coalition, even the policies of one's own party could no longer be implemented in their pure form, because one had to agree on something in common with the coalition partner. As a social politician, he himself is guided by the strong desire to enable everyone to live in the community in accordance with human dignity. In his new office as Chairman of the State Committee of Catholics in Bavaria, he has his eye on a renewal of political Catholicism and wants to stand up for the principles of Catholic social teaching.
Abbot Johannes Eckert OSB praised the Church in Germany for clearly positioning itself in favour of refugees, in contrast to the Hungarian, Polish or Slovakian churches, and for recognising them as people who need help and are welcome. The aid groups often come from Catholic or Protestant parishes and are fuelled by Christian commitment. Monasticism has always been an internal protest movement and a certain provocation for the secularised church. To this day, the orders do not receive any church tax revenues, which gives them a certain freedom, but also an uneasy dependence. In the spirit of Pope Benedict's term ‘de-worldisation’ coined in Freiburg, he wished that the Church would no longer exclude people who do not pay church tax, and asked it to let go of social tasks that actually belong to the state - such as running a clinic, from which the Christian founding spirit has long since disappeared with the last nun.
Philipp Hildmann, policy advisor at the Hanns Seidel Foundation, said that he had realised ‘that a state without God and powerful religiosity in society are not mutually exclusive.’ He admired the Forum Islam, which is fighting for its faith, among other things with very good youth work - while his own Protestant parish has reduced its children's services by 70 per cent in recent years. According to Böckenförde, society needs a common ethos in order to maintain cohesion - ‘where does that go when the well dries up?’ In the eastern part of Germany during the communist era, there had already been an attempt to ‘create a state without faith’ - the results are visible today. He also criticised the failure of the churches: Who had tried to cultivate the fields there in a spiritual sense during what Eugen Biser called the ‘God-turnaround’ of 1989/1990. If the cultural memory and the unifying ethos were missing, the foundations would crumble and then the demons of fear of the foreign would emerge because people were no longer sure of their own. He therefore called on Christians to work on the foundations: ‘Then we will also become more attractive again as churches.’
Theology professor Veit Neumann put forward the thesis that the path of the Christian religion is not the state, but culture. The questioning of the socialised form of religion in Germany is increasing. Apart from certain aberrations, this was to be welcomed, because the Christian religion had to show itself to be humanly effective, as an acceptance and refinement of humanism. Religion is not a renewable resource, but the result of cultivation as well as the original basis and expression of culture. It does not function as an automatism or auxiliary constructs of state power. Since the Constantinian revolution, the Church has repeatedly entered into problematic alliances with other institutions ‘that appear to have supported Christianity’. The history of such alliances is part of the history of Europe and has not always been the worst. Today, however, institutionalised theology in the form of diocesan and religious colleges must tackle a new beginning for Christianity in society and politics, regardless of its difficult position between the teaching ministry, science and social necessity: ‘There is a treasure here that we should raise’. The training of speaking and language skills is particularly important. The representatives of the French Renouveau Catholique, such as the Nobel Prize winner for literature Francois Maurillac and Georges Bernanos, who tried to fill such gaps with the possibilities of writing, could be role models.
Paneuropa Press Office
Programme (DE) (PDF)